Introduction
Research on the impact of the classroom environment on the development of neurotypical children has shown that higher classroom quality contributes to children’s development, including their self-regulation, academic skills, and, particularly relevant for the present study, their social competence (Hamre,
2014). Whether this is also true with regard to special education preschools, and specifically with regard to autistic preschoolers has not been examined. This is a particularly important question because autistic preschoolers experience significant social difficulties, and can benefit from supportive environments that are attuned to their individual characteristics and needs, perhaps even more than typically developing young children (Baker et al.,
2010; Haven et al.,
2014). Therefore, the goal of this study was to examine whether, with regard to preschool-age autistic boys, the quality of the classroom environment would be associated with the boys’ social competence both in preschool and outside preschool.
Typically developing children utilize a wide range of social skills when interacting with peers, whereas autistic children have significant challenges in the development and utilization of such skills (Charlop et al.,
2010). Although perhaps not less motivated to connect with their peers (Jaswal & Akhtar,
2019), they may have difficulties using the appropriate social skills. Autistic children show less interest in interacting with others, engage in more solitary play, are less preferred as playmates, experience fewer reciprocal friendships, and have lower quality interactions (Baker et al.,
2007; Charlop et al.,
2010; Cotugno,
2009; Kasari et al.,
2011; McConnell,
2002). However, alongside these challenges there are also considerable individual differences in autistic children’s social skills, and one contributor to these differences is their prior social experiences. For example, examining the contribution of children’s interactions with their parents to their social skills, Haven et al. (
2014) found that cohesion and warmth in parent–child interactions were related to children’s social skills for both Typically Developing (TD) and autistic children, and Meek et al., (
2012) found that child-initiated joint engagement with parents was positively related to social competence and less exclusion by peers. To the best of our knowledge this is the first study to examine the contribution of children’s experiences outside the family, in preschool, to their social skills.
Autistic preschoolers, like their neurotypical peers, spend a large portion of their time in preschools with peers and educational staff (although this may vary widely depending on educational policies and opportunities, but was the case regarding the preschoolers in this study). As mentioned above, in the case of neurotypical children, high quality early childhood settings have been shown to have a positive impact on children’s development. For example, higher-quality child care predicted better preacademic skills and language performance at 4.5 years even after controlling for two other well-recognized influences on early development: parenting and poverty (NICHD ECCRN
2002). Following the same sample to the age of 15 years, higher quality early care predicted higher cognitive–academic achievement and also youth reports of less externalizing behavior (Vandell et al.,
2010).
Focusing more specifically on teacher–child interactions, Hamre and Pianta (
2007) described three domains that promote positive development: Emotional support (sensitivity to the children, positive relationships, and respect to the child’s point of view), Classroom organization (routines that keep children engaged in meaningful and interesting activities, proactive management of child behavior), and Instructional support (Connecting learning to children’s lives, feedback that expands children’s understanding, frequent conversations). Evidence supports the importance of these domains (Hamre,
2014). For example, pertaining to the Emotional Support domain, children with sensitive teachers with whom they develop positive relationships develop more optimal prosocial (Johnson et al.,
2013) and self-regulatory (Williford et al.,
2013) skills compared to children whose teachers are less sensitive, and children with teachers who offer warm supportive care show less of the expected increase in stress over the day (Hatfield et al.,
2013) compared with children whose teachers offer less supportive care. Beyond these correlational findings, intervention studies showed that proactive management of children’s attention by teachers, pertaining to the Classroom Organization domain, was associated with less time off task and with better behavioral control (Rimm-Kaufman et al.,
2014). Furthermore, teacher training that targeted teacher–child interactions improved teachers’ practices, with the children benefiting as indicated by better academic, social, and self-regulatory functioning (e.g., Mashburn et al.,
2010; Raver et al.,
2011).
Thus, there is considerable evidence that neurotypical children benefit from high quality classroom environments. To the best of our knowledge, however, there is little if any similar evidence in the case of autistic children. This lacuna is significant for at least two reasons: First, there is a consensus regarding the importance of intervening early and intensively with young autistic children, and that such intervention should not be circumscribed to therapy sessions but should envelop the child throughout the day (Schreibman et al.,
2015). For many autistic children the preschool setting is the most significant social context outside the family, and as such has a unique potential to foster their independence and competence (Siller et al.,
2024). Second, Haven et al. (
2014) and Baker et al. (
2010) argued that autistic children may be impacted by variations in the quality of the environment even more than neurotypical children. This idea was raised regarding parent–child interactions, but can be equally true regarding teacher–child interactions and the classroom environment more generally.
The Present Study
The goal of the study was to examine the associations between the quality of the preschool environment of young autistic preschool age boys and the children’s social competence. Specifically, teacher–child interactions were assessed using the Classroom Assessment Scoring System (CLASS; Pianta,
2008). The CLASS has been extensively employed in studies of mainstream education (Hamre,
2014) but has yet to be employed in special education preschools. It was chosen nonetheless because it focuses on teacher–child interactions and the overall emotional climate of the classroom that are thought to be as important for autistic children as for neurotypical children (Siller et al.,
2024). The boys’ social competence was assessed in preschool by observation and teacher report, and outside preschool by observing the boys’ responsiveness and involvement with an unfamiliar adult during play. The hypothesis was that higher preschool quality would be associated with higher social competence in preschool and with higher levels of responsiveness and involvement with an unfamiliar adult outside of the preschool. Because the boys’ social competence and interactions with an examiner could be impacted by the severity of their autism symptoms, symptom severity as assessed by the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule (ADOS; Lord et al.,
2000) was statistically controlled.
Only boys were included in the study. This was done because it has been argued that autism may present differently in boys and girls (Hull et al.,
2020). Therefore, particularly in a study of social behavior, studying autistic boys and girls as one group may conceal gender differences. Ideally separate and large groups of boys and girls should be studied, but we chose to focus on boys because autism is approximately 4 times more prevalent in boys compared to girls (In the US: Maenner et al.,
2020; In Israel: Davidovitch et al.,
2013). Additionally, and strictly from a statistical power standpoint, combining boys and girls would decrease the size of each group (considering a given sample size) which would decrease the study’s power.
Discussion
The goal of the study was to examine the hypothesis that higher quality of the preschool environment will be associated with higher levels of social skills of autistic boys both in the preschool context and outside this context, when interacting with an unfamiliar adult. Supporting this hypothesis, a composite score based on the emotional support and organization CLASS dimensions was associated with the boys’ social competence as assessed by observation at preschool using the SSQ, and as reported by the preschool teachers who also completed the SSQ. In addition, the CLASS quality score was associated with the boys’ interactions with an unfamiliar examiner, particularly their involvement of the examiner in their play, and also, albeit only with marginal statistical significance, with their responsiveness to the examiner. Importantly, the severity of the boys’ symptoms, which was also associated with their social competence (as expected) was controlled in these analyses.
What is it about high quality classrooms, those characterized by relatively high emotional support and classroom organization, the might support social competence in autistic preschoolers? Difficulties in social behavior and communication in the peer-group context are common among autistic children, as reviewed earlier. However, the preschool setting is not only the context in which these difficulties manifest, but also a useful setting for addressing these difficulties and fostering development and growth. This is because children spend many hours in preschool, are surrounded by many social partners including adults and children with whom they often wish to interact (Jaswal & Akhtar,
2019), and need to deal with many and diverse social interactions. In fact, promoting children’s competencies, including their social competence, is one of the declared goals of special education preschools for autistic children in Israel as defined by the Ministry of Education in Israel. Additionally, while adults, and particularly preschool teachers, tend to support children by adjusting their behavior to the child’s difficulties, children’s peers are less likely to be as accommodating as the adults (Clifford et al.,
2010), thus providing an opportunity for the adults to mediate peer interactions. Emotionally supportive classroom environments characterized in the CLASS by high levels of positive interaction, low levels of negative interactions, sensitivity to the child’s signals, and regard for the child’s point of view (Hamre,
2014), are likely to provide the needed mediation by understanding children’s needs and difficulties at a given moment and supporting children’s efforts to interact with others.
The classroom quality composite was also included the CLASS organization dimension. Classrooms that score high on this dimension are characterized by clear rules and a well-structured flow of the day, a variety of interesting and stimulating activities, and teachers who intervene to prevent escalations and set appropriate limits. These are likely to support the development of children’s independent capacity to control and regulate their emotions and behavior (Hamre,
2014; Williford et al.,
2013). These conditions also allow children to operate within the zone of proximal development and take on challenges in various domains, including the social domain.
Support for the possible impact of the classroom environment and the boys’ social competence was also provided by the links between classroom quality and the boys’ behavior
outside the classroom, interacting with an unfamiliar examiner. Boys who experienced higher quality classrooms involved the examiner more when interacting with her and were more likely to initiate interactions with her. Additionally, they were more responsive to the initiations of the examiner (although the latter finding was only marginally significant when the boys’ severity of symptoms was controlled). The findings regarding responsiveness to- and involvement of the examiner are significant because both behaviors are significant challenges for many autistic children (Mundy et al.,
1986). Perhaps the sensitivity and support coupled with expectations for self-regulation characterizing high quality classrooms promoted the boys’ interactions with an unfamiliar yet friendly adult. Although the preschool and lab contexts are different on many dimensions, particularly because the lab context did not include peers, in both cases the children interact with an adult outside the family. This may have fostered the application of skills acquired in the classroom to the interactions with an examiner.
When considering the associations between the CLASS quality score and the SSQ it is possible to argue that the association between the two is because CLASS observers are exposed to the behavior of the child involved in the study, and similarly the SSQ observers are exposed to the classroom climate. This cannot be ruled out: Although the two observations were conducted by different observers on different days, the overlap between them is inevitable. It is not possible to assess the class quality without the children, or the target child’s social competence in preschool outside the classroom. Nonetheless, it is important to note that the focus of the CLASS is on the entire classroom, with a primary focus on the teacher and other adults, and the focus of the SSQ is on the behavior of a single target child.
A related issue involves direction of effects: Because both the CLASS and SSQ were assessed concurrently it is possible to argue that the link between the two is not a function of the impact of the classroom quality on the child’s behavior but the reverse. This cannot be ruled out but is less likely, because any single boy involved in the study was only one of many children in the classroom (approximately eight on average, none of whom were involved in the study other than the target child). It is less plausible that a single boys’ behavior will impact the teachers’ interactions with all children. The lack of association between each target boy’s symptom severity (i.e., CSS score) and the CLASS score supports this argument.
It is also possible to argue that the link between class quality and children’s social competence is due to differential placement, in which children are placed in different preschools depending on characteristics such as severity of symptoms. This may be plausible although more severe symptoms need not necessarily lead to poorer quality of the preschool. These arguments notwithstanding, in order to support causal statements regarding the impact of classroom quality on children’s social competence intervention studies using an RCT design are needed.
Two methodological strengths bolster the results of the study. First, the study’s main three constructs, classroom quality, children’s social competence in preschool, and their interactions with an examiner, were assessed by independent observations. Second, the children’s social competence in preschool was assessed by observation (as mentioned) but also by teacher-report. Assessments of children’s social competence using trained observers in preschool have the advantage of the standardization obtained using observer training and inter-rater reliability. Teacher reports, in contrast, may lack in standardization because teachers were not trained on the SSQ, but have the advantage of extensive and deep familiarity with the child over time. The consistency of the findings involving both measures, and the association between them, increase the confidence in the study results.
Two limitations are also noteworthy. First, the study involved only boys, and because, as mentioned earlier, the social difficulties of autistic girls may manifest differently (Gould,
2017; Hull et al.,
2020), additional research with girls is needed. Second, the boys in this study were all enrolled in special education preschools which are relatively small and composed only of children with an ASD diagnosis. Whether similar findings apply to children in different educational systems such as those that are inclusive, have different class size, and in which teachers are trained differently, remains an open question. Nonetheless, the findings highlight the potential importance of the quality of the preschool environment, particularly the emotional support it provides and the level of class organization, for supporting the social development of autistic preschoolers.
The findings have important implications for educational settings. Creating a positive climate, responding sensitively to children’s behaviors, and seeing their interests as significant appears to promote the social skills of autistic children. Additionally, managing behaviors of children with ASD, while challenging, is essential for promoting their social engagement, and can be achieved through respectful, positive, and productive approaches, alongside creating engaging and varied activities. Interventions that target these dimensions and are aimed at improving the classroom climate for typically developing children, such as MyTeachingPartner (MTP) (Allen et al.,
2011; Pianta et al.,
2002) have shown improvement in teacher-student interactions in preschool settings (Hamre et al.,
2012; Pianta et al.,
2008; Tolan et al., 2020), and the results of this study suggest that research is needed to examine how these interventions might apply to preschools with autistic children.
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