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Relation of Family Economic Pressure and Racial Stress with Sleep Disturbance among African American College Students: Moderating Effects of Kin Social Support
Auteurs:
Ronald D. Taylor, Motunrayo Olaniyan, Azeb Gebre, Debra Bangasser
The investigation examined whether kin social support moderated the association of family economic pressure and race-related stress with sleep disturbance among African American college students. The study is grounded in two theoretical models including the Integrative Model for the Study of Developmental Competence in Minority Children (IM) and the Family Stress Model (FSM), which predict that economic and race-related stress are linked to well-being in families and that the effects of stressful experiences may be moderated by kin social support. Hypotheses were assessed with online questionnaires administered to 152 African American college students (83% female, Mage = 21.7, SDage = 4.6). Economic pressure and race-related stress were significantly associated with sleep disturbance. Interference effects of kin support were evident and revealed that the positive relations of family economic pressure and race-related stress with sleep disturbance were less apparent with increases in kin support. Findings suggest that kinship ties are complex relations with costs and benefits that African American students must manage as they cope with stressful experiences in college.
Opmerkingen
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Economic and structural disadvantage as well as race-related stress continue to challenge the well-being of African American families and students. Even before the pandemic of 2020 and the damaging effects on the U.S. economy, the poverty and unemployment rates for African Americans were significantly higher than the rates for Non-Hispanic Whites (Semega et al., 2020). In addition to economic challenges, African Americans report high levels of race-related stress. For example, a significant majority of African Americans report experiencing overt racial discrimination, and that discrimination poses a significant obstacle to their upward mobility (Pew Research Center 2016). Conceptual models examining how race and structural factors impact families have argued for significant links between economic and racial stress and social and psychological adjustment among African Americans (Conger & Donnellan, 2007; García Coll et al., 1996; McLoyd, 1990; 1998). An important consequence of economic and social stressors for African Americans is sleep problems. Sleep disturbance has been associated with a host of physical and mental health outcomes (Buckhalt et al., 2007; Yip et al., 2020) and is a particular problem among African American children and adults (Hale & Do, 2007; Kruger & Friedman, 2009). Sleep problems have been linked to stressors including economic problems and racial discrimination (Knutson, 2013; Yip et al., 2020). Theoretical formulations focusing on the social adjustment of African American families have proposed adaptive responses to social and financial challenges including the use of kinship ties and support that may attenuate the association of economic and racial stressors with well being (Boykin, 1986; García Coll et al., 1996). In order to further investigate the potential for kinship ties to moderate the association of financial and racial stressors with sleep disturbance for African American college students, the following investigation was conducted.
Economic Pressure and Racial Stress
In their discussion of the Integrative Model for the Study of Developmental Competencies in Minority Children (IM), García Coll et al. (1996) contend that economic and social forces influence the well-being of adults and children in African American families. García Coll et al. (1996) maintain that African American families may have economic problems and less access to resources that promote social competence and adjustment because of their disadvantaged social position in the social hierarchy. Moreover, social position is linked to segregation in “spatial, physical, social and psychological environments” that impede the development of skills and resources that promote physical and psychological well-being (García Coll et al., 1996).
Similarly, in the Family Stress Model (FSM), Conger and Donnellan (2007) note that economic disadvantage (i.e., low income, financial problems) increases the likelihood of economic pressure in families. Economic pressure may come in forms including having unmet material needs, unpaid debts, or needing to make difficult economic sacrifices. Economic pressure and related stressors are in turn, associated with psychological distress in parents, less adequate parenting, and poorer functioning in children, adolescents, and young adults (Conger & Donnellan, 2007).
A central premise of the IM suggests that racial discrimination is linked to social and economic disadvantage for African Americans, and is linked to social and emotional adjustment and well-being as well (García Coll et al., 1996). Racial discrimination is defined as socially sanctioned and justified ideology designed to influence relations among individuals, groups, and institutions in order to maintain the status and privileges of dominant groups (Krieger, 1999; Yip et al., 2020). Racism and discrimination experienced by African Americans may limit the availability of important social and financial resources and thereby may challenge the development of important skills, and tax social, emotional, and physical well-being (García Coll et al., 1996). Race-related stress is a consequence of racial discrimination. Racial discrimination in particular initiates physiological stress response, which is detrimental to social, emotional, and physical well-being (Levy et al., 2016; Yip et al., 2020).
Findings have revealed support for the premises developed in the Integrative Model for the Study of Developmental Competencies in Minority Children (IM, García Coll, et al., 1996). First, in the IM, García Coll et al. (1996) note that African Americans face significant economic challenges and findings revealed that while African Americans made up 13.2% of the population in 2019, they were 23.8% of the people living in poverty (Semega et al., 2020). Semega et al. (2020) also found that African Americans had the lowest median income of all racial groups in the country at $45,438, while Asians ($98,174) and non-Hispanic Whites ($76,057) had the highest incomes. Additionally, in a 2019 study by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, African Americans were unemployed at twice the rate of Whites (6.5% vs. 3.5%). Economic problems even follow African American college students on campus and Goldrick-Rab et al. (2019) found that among students attending 4-year institutions, 56% reported experiencing food insecurity, 60% experienced housing insecurity and 16% experienced homelessness. Importantly, those figures were higher among those attending 2-year colleges.
García Coll et al. (1996) note that in addition to economic pressure, African Americans also face race-related stress. Sixty-one percent of African Americans surveyed by the Pew Research Center (2016) felt that race relations were generally poor compared to 41% of whites. Results of the study also revealed that African Americans, compared to Whites overwhelmingly reported that they faced discrimination in dealing with police (84 vs. 63%), the criminal justice system (87 vs. 61%), and in hiring, pay, and promotions (82 vs. 44%). Among college students, surveyed by the Pew Research Center’s study, 75% agreed that racial hostility even if subtle, was a common experience on campus. Moreover, over one-half of African American students reported that they had experienced racial hostility in forms including rude or harsh treatment, racial profiling, and ostracism, among other experiences (Banks, 2010).
Sleep, Economic Pressure, and Racial Stress
Evidence continues to accumulate showing that for adolescents and young adults sleep is important for healthy functioning in physical, cognitive, social, and academic domains (Owens et al., 2014; Shochat et al., 2014). Owens et al. (2014) note that poor quality and disturbed sleep have been linked to obesity, anxiety, depression, suicidality, and poor cognitive functioning. For instance, sleep deprivation has been linked to higher average body mass index (BMI) and obesity among adults (Cooper et al., 2018). Also, significant evidence reveals a bi-directional relationship between sleep disturbance and depression (Shochat et al., 2014), and shorter sleep duration was significantly associated with depression and anxiety among college and non-college adults (Dickinson et al., 2018). Additionally, Goldstein, et al. (2008) found that sleep disturbance preceded suicide among adolescent suicide victims compared to similar community youth. Disturbed sleep has also been linked to cardiovascular disease, migraine, and lung disorders (Akerstedt, 2006). Moreover, self-reported sleep disturbance has been linked to increased markers of cardiovascular risk (Narang et al., 2012).
African American children and adults experience more sleep disturbance than Whites (Hale & Do, 2007; Hughes et al. 2007; Kruger & Friedman, 2009; Petrov & Lichstein, 2016; Ruiter et al., 2010; Ruiter et al., 2011) and sleep problems are especially evident among African American college students. For example, Hughes et al., (2007) found that compared to White students, African Americans spent less time in bed, slept for a shorter duration, and took longer to fall asleep, among other differences. In addition, Billings and Berg-Cross (2014) found more sleep dysfunction (i.e., short duration, daytime sleepiness, and poor sleep quality) among African American students when compared to White students.
Evidence has also shown that sleep is sensitive to stressful economic and social experiences (Levy et al., 2016). A number of studies revealed that families’ financial and race-related stress were significantly associated with sleep (Bagley et al., 2018; Kelly & El-Skeikh, 2019; Spilsbury et al., 2006; Street et al., 2018). For example, Bagley et al. (2018) found that for adolescents living in neighborhoods with greater economic deprivation (i.e., higher poverty, lower income, more families on public assistance) shorter and lower quality sleep were more likely. Additionally, experiencing racial discrimination was also associated with lower quality sleep (Fuller-Rowell et al., 2017; Thomas et al., 2006; Zeiders et al., 2017). For example, Fuller-Rowell et al., (2017) found among college students, African Americans experienced more sleep disturbance than White students because they experienced more discrimination (Fuller-Rowell et al., 2017). Also, in a daily diary study Yip et al. (2020) found that across 14 days, daily experiences with discrimination were associated with increased sleep disturbance and with daytime sleepiness (Yip et al., 2020). In particular, on the days after experiencing racial discrimination, adolescents were significantly more likely to report being sleepy during the day. Moreover, Steffen and Bowden (2006) revealed that discrimination was associated with increased sleep disturbance, which in turn, was linked to increase in depression.
Moderating Effects Of Kinship Support
In the IM and other perspectives on African American family life (e.g., Boykin, 1986; McAdoo, 1982; Wilson, 1989), investment in the extended family and emphasis on the importance of kinship relations have been discussed as adaptive, culturally distinctive features of African American family life. Extended kin serves to support the well-being of adults and children and educate adults on effective parenting practices. Kin may also provide instrumental support in the form of money, food, or housing, and social and emotional support in forms including advice, friendship, and counseling (Jarret et al., 2010). Kin support also serves to moderate the effects of stressors associated with economic and racial discrimination (García Coll et al., 1996; Jarret et al., 2010). Purportedly, through the provision of instrumental and social support, extended kin promotes coping capacities in the family, and thereby moderates the effects of economic and racial stressors on family members (García Coll et al., 1996; Jarret et al., 2010).
Consistent with García Coll et al. (1996) and the argument for the important role of extended family, Jarret et al. (2010) found that over half of inner city, African American mothers reported receiving assistance including emotional, instrumental, and informational support from extended family. Moreover, kin support has been significantly linked to mothers’ social and emotional well-being, including higher self-esteem and lower depression among others (Budescu et al., 2011; Dressler, 1985; Griffin et al., 2006; Taylor, 2010; Taylor et al., 2014). Additionally, support from kin has been positively associated with adolescents’ well-being (Hardaway et al., 2016; Lamborn & Nguyen, 2004; McCabe et al., 1999; Taylor, 2011; Taylor et al., 2014; Taylor et al., 2021). Finally, kin support has been significantly associated with the psychological and social adjustment of emerging adults, including higher self-esteem, lower depression, and higher academic engagement (Budescu & Silverman, 2016; Gebre & Taylor, 2017).
In addition, Garica Coll et al., (1996) have argued that beyond promoting the social and emotional well-being of ethnic minority families, support from kin may serve to moderate the effects of economic and social stressors on mental and physical health. Evidence for the stress-moderating effects of kinship support on economic stress revealed that financial pressure was significantly associated with mothers and adolescents’ psychological well-being (self-esteem, depression) for families with lower levels of support from kin but not those with higher levels of support from extended family (Taylor et al., 2014). Additionally, Budescu, et al. (2011) found that the positive association of neighborhood crime and relationship stress with smoking and drinking to relieve stress was less apparent for mothers with more compared to less kinship support. Also, the association of negative parenting practices with poor adjustment was less apparent for adolescents with higher levels versus lower levels of support from extended family (Taylor, 2010). Finally, in related findings, the positive association of racial-microaggressions with college students’ anxiety regarding their employment prospects, was less apparent for students with higher versus lower levels social support on campus (Salami et al., 2021).
Present Study
The review above on the extant research suggests that financial and racial stress are significantly associated with sleep problems. However, research on the potential factors or relations moderating the association is scarce. The present study addresses this paucity. The investigation assessed the moderating effects of kin support on the association of economic pressure and race-related stress with sleep disturbance among African American college students, a group at risk to have sleep problems. First, consistent with previous work, family economic and racial stress were expected to be positively associated with sleep disturbance (Bagley et al., 2018; Fuller-Rowell et al., 2017; García Coll et al., 1996; Kelly & El-Skeikh, 2019; Spilsbury et al., 2006; Thomas et al., 2006; Yip et al., 2020; Zeiders et al., 2017). Also, as was the case with previous related work on social and emotional adjustment, kin support was expected to be linked to lower sleep disturbance (García Coll et al., 1996; Budescu & Silverman, 2016; Gebre & Taylor, 2017). Finally, it was expected that kin social support would moderate the links between family economic pressure, race-related stress, and sleep disturbance (Budescu et al., 2011; García Coll et al., 1996; Taylor et al., 2014; Taylor, 2010). Specifically, it was expected that the association of family economic pressure and race-related stress with sleep disturbance would be less evident for students with comparatively more kin support.
Methods
Participants
Demographic characteristics of the participants are shown in Table 1. The participants were 152 African American undergraduate students, including 127 females and 25 males at a large, public university in the northeastern region of the United States. The gender imbalance in the participants reflects the fact that females significantly outnumber males as psychology majors who serve as the primary participant population at the university (81 vs 19%). African American students make up 13% of the student population on campus. The participants were on average 21.72 (SD = 4.68) years old. Most of the students lived away from home as 30.5% lived in a dorm and 35.8% lived in an apartment alone or with roommates. Most of the students (52%) were employed part-time, 9% were employed full-time, and 39% were not employed. The majority of the students (72.4%) reported that they were financially dependent on their parents. In terms of parents’ education, participants reported that 33.6% of mothers and 25.7% of fathers had earned a college degree (associates or bachelors), 20.4% of mothers and 16.4% of fathers had earned an advanced degree, 18.4% of mothers and 23.7% of fathers had completed high school or equivalency degrees, and 3.3% of mothers and 3.9% of fathers had completed less than high school. Participants were asked to report on their family’s income based on the income of both parents. Family income in the sample ranged from less than $10,000 to more than $100,001, with less than $10,000 = 9.9%, $10,001–$20,000 = 6.6%, $20,001–$30,000 = 6.6%, $30,001–$40,000 = 13.8%, $40,001–$50,000 = 5.9%, $50,001–$60,000 = 8.6%, $60,001–$70,000 = 13.2%, 70,001–$80,000 = 7.2%, $80,001–$90,000 = 5.3%, $90,001–$100,000 = 9.2%, $100,001 or more = 13.8%. The median income for the sample was $50,000–$60,000. The families of 23.1% of the participants had incomes at or below the poverty threshold of $30,000 for a family of four. Given the focus of the study on extended family relations, students were asked to report on the amount of contact with their kin. Most of the students (61.1%) were in contact with extended family once per week or more.
Table 1
Demographic characteristics
Characteristic
n
Mean
SD
%
Age
21.27
4.68
Gender
Female
127
Male
25
Residence
Living at home
33.7
Living away from home (dorm)
30.5
Living away from home (apartment)
35.8
Employment status
Employed full or part-time
61
Unemployed
39
Financial dependence
Dependent
72.4
Independent
27.6
Family income
$50K–$60 K
Procedures
Participants completed an online survey that included the major variables assessed along with demographic questions. Students enrolled in introductory psychology courses were recruited for participation in the study using the university’s Human Subject Pool Management Software, Sona. Students who were 18 years of age or older were eligible to participate in the investigation. All measures used have demonstrated acceptable validity and reliability in past research with African American families (Brody et al., 2002; Taylor, 2015). Informed consent from the participants was obtained online following introductory information regarding the nature and purpose of the study. The study was conducted with the permission of the relevant Institutional Review Board.
Measures
Family economic pressure
Family economic pressure was assessed with the Family Resource Scale (Dunst & Leet, 1987). The Family Resource Scale is a 30 item (a = 0.92) self-report measure of the adequacy of family resources including money, food, and related services. Sample items included “Money to pay monthly bills”, “Money to buy necessities”, or “Furniture for home or apartment.” The Likert response scale varied from “1 = not at all adequate” to “5 = almost always adequate”. The scale items were recorded in the analyses so that higher scores indicated greater economic pressure.
Race-related stress
Participants’ experiences with being subjected to racist behavior as a result of belonging to a specific racial group were assessed with the Index of Race-Related Stress (IRRS; Utsey & Ponterotto, 1996). The IRRS is designed to measure psychological stress related to experiences of racism for African Americans. Four subscales make up the scale and include Cultural Racism, that is the experience of racism targeting at one’s culture. A sample question includes: “You seldom hear or read anything positive about Black people on radio, TV, newspapers, or in history books”. The second subscale is Individual Racism which measures the experience of interpersonal racism, and a sample question includes: “While shopping at a store or when attempting to make a purchase, you were ignored as if you were not a serious customer or didn’t have any money”. The third subscale is Institutional Racism, that is the experience of racism ingrained in an institution’s structure. A sample question includes: “You were passed over for an important project although you were more qualified and competent than the White/non-Black person given the task”. Finally, the fourth subscale is Collective Racism which involves the experience of racism aimed at restricting the rights of African Americans. A sample question includes: “You have attempted to hail a cab, but they refused to stop, you think because you are Black”.
The present study used the Collective Racism subscale exclusively (7 items, α = 0.79) because the measure focuses on the participants’ experiences with both individual acts of racism and racism that was directed at their race collectively as a group. Participants indicated their responses on a Likert scale including from “0 = This never happened to me”; “1 = This event happened but did not bother me; “ 2 = This event happened, & I was slightly upset”; “3 = This event happened, & I was upset” and “4 = This event happened, & I was extremely upset.” The scale was coded and summed to calculate total scores such that higher scores indicate higher levels of stress experienced.
Kin social support
Kinship support was measured with a series of questions taken from the kinship support scale developed by Taylor et al. (1993). Two items on the scale assess the frequency of family member’s (i.e., parents or children) contact with kin and the number of kin who reside in the near vicinity. The core items of the measure (17 items, α = 0.72) assess participants’ perceptions of the level of social and emotional support they receive from adult kin (i.e., aunts, uncles, and grandparents) and additional questions (7 items, α = 0.75) assess poor, undermining relations with extended family.
This study used the questions from the kin social support subscale. Sample items include “When I’m worried about something I look to my relatives for advice” or “We often get together with my relatives just to visit and have fun.” The participants indicated their responses using a Likert-response scale ranging from “4 = strongly agree” to “1 = strongly disagree”. The scale was coded and summed to calculate total scores such that higher scores indicate higher levels of kin support.
Sleep disturbance
Sleep disturbance was assessed with the Sleep Disturbance subscale (9 items, α = 0.84) of the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI, Buysse et al. 1989). The PSQI assessed the reasons for and frequency of participants’ trouble sleeping during the past month. Sample items include “Wake up in the middle of the night or early morning” or “Have had bad dreams.” Respondents indicated their answers on a 4-point Likert scale, ranging from “0 = not during the past month” to “4 = three or more time a week.” The items of the scale were summed to calculate the total score for the measure. Higher scores indicated greater sleep disturbances.
Data Analyses
First, correlational analyses were conducted to examine bivariate relations among the main variables and between the main and the demographic variables. Next, two-step hierarchical regression analyses were organized to test for moderator effects. The analyses assessed the relations between family economic pressure, race-related stress, kin social support, and sleep disturbance. The results also examined the interaction of kin social support and family economic pressure on sleep disturbance, as well as the interaction of kin social support and race-related stress on sleep disturbance. Two-way interactions between family economic pressure and race-related stress with kin social support assessed whether kin social support moderated the relations between family economic pressure, race-related stress, and sleep disturbance. Evidence of moderation would be apparent if there were statistically significant changes in the variance accounted for in the outcome variable sleep disturbance with the introduction of the interaction terms, revealing less effect of race-related stress on sleep disturbance when the moderating effect of kin support is accounted for.
For the analyses, demographic variables including age, gender, residence, financial dependence, and family income were entered as control variables at Step 1, along with the main effects of family economic pressure, race-related stress, and kin social support. At Step 2, the two-way interactions of family economic pressure and kin social support and race-related stress and kin social support were entered in the regression model predicting sleep disturbance. Interaction terms were composed of the product of the two predictors Family Economic Pressure X Kin Social Support that were centered to avoid problems of multicollinearity.
Significant interactions were investigated by observing the association of family economic problems with sleep disturbance and race-related stress with sleep disturbance at high (1 SD above the mean), moderate (mean), and low (1 SD below the mean) levels of kin social support. The slopes of the regression lines from the significant interactions were assessed via the simple slope analysis (Hayes, 2013).
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Findings examined the association of family economic pressure, race-related stress, and kin social support with sleep disturbance. First, Table 2 presents the means, standard deviations, ranges, reliability scores, and intercorrelations of the major variables, including family economic pressure, race-related stress, kin social support, and sleep disturbance. Typically, the participants had 3–5 kin living within an hour’s drive, and 61.1% interacted with their relatives either by phone or in person, once per week or more. The correlations among the major variables were consistent with past investigations that have shown that kin social support was positively associated with mothers’, adolescents’, and emerging adults’ psychological adjustment (Lamborn & Nguyen, 2004; Taylor, 2010; Taylor et al., 2014; Gebre & Taylor, 2017) and mothers’ parenting practices (Taylor et al., 1993; Taylor & Roberts, 1995; Taylor, 1996). The results were also consistent with previous work revealing that economic and race-related stress were significantly linked to poor outcomes (Benner et al., 2018; Levy et al., 2016; Yip et al., 2020; Pascoe & Richeman, 2009; Yip et al., 2020).
Table 2
Means, Standard deviations, Ranges, and Intercorrelations among major variables (N = 152)
Variable
M
SD
Range
Alpha
1
2
3
4
1. Kin support
44.59
7.85
21–60
0.72
–
−0.38**
−0.001
−0.01
2. Family economic pressure
75.17
18.94
55–133
0.92
–
0.23**
0.28**
3. Race-related stress
4.05
5.49
0–23
0.79
–
0.21**
4. Sleep disturbance
18.41
5.18
9–36
0.84
–
** p < 0.01
Moreover, kin social support was negatively associated with participants’ reports of family economic pressure (r = −0.38, p < 0.01). Family economic pressure was positively associated with race-related stress (r = 0.23, p < 0.05) and sleep disturbance (r = 0.28, p < 0.01). Experience of race-related stress was positively associated with sleep disturbance (r = 0.21, p < 0.05).
Relations between demographic characteristics, including age, gender, residence, financial dependence, and family income and the major variables revealed that participants who were financially dependent on their parents were less likely to report family economic pressure (r = −0.20, p < 0.01). Also, participants who reported higher family incomes were less likely to report family economic pressure (r = −0.39, p < 0.01). In addition, the less participants reported experiencing race-related stress, the more likely they were financially dependent on their parents (r = −0.22, p < 0.01) and the higher their family income (r = −0.27, p < 0.01).
Table 3 presents the normality scores for the distributions of the major variables. All skewness and kurtosis scores for the variables were at acceptable levels and between −2 to +2 and −7 to +7 (Byrne, 2010; Hair et al., 2010).
Table 3
Skewness, Kurtosis, and Standard Error Estimates of the Major variables
Variable
Skewness
SE
Kurtosis
SE
Kin support
−0.508
0.201
0.355
0.399
Family economic pressure
0.964
0.197
−0.049
0.392
Race-related stress
1.53
0.198
1.46
0.394
Sleep disturbance
0.472
0.197
−0.014
0.392
Main Analyses
A hierarchical regression analysis predicting sleep disturbance was conducted. The results are reported in Table 4, which presents the association of family economic stress, race-related stress, and kin social support with sleep disturbance. As predicted, family economic pressure was positively associated with sleep disturbance, (β = 0.331, t = 3.50, p < 0.001). Additionally, as expected, race-related stress was significantly linked to sleep disturbance (β = 0.188, p < 0.024, t = 2.27, p < 0.024).
FEP family economic pressure, RRS race-related stress, KS Kin support
*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01
Contrary to predictions, kin social support has not significantly associated with sleep disturbance, (β = 0.110, t = 1.23, p = 0.220).
As expected, the interaction of family economic pressure and kin support was significant: β = −0.169, p < 0.018; ΔR2 = 0.06, F(1, 133) = 5.55, p < 0.005, indicating that kin support moderated the association of family economic pressure and sleep disturbance.
To examine the nature of the moderating effects of kin support, simple slopes analysis SPSS Model 1 (Hayes, 2013) was used to compute the association of family economic pressure and sleep disturbance at low, moderate, and high levels of kin support (i.e., 1 SD below mean, mean, and 1 SD above mean). Findings revealed that for students with higher levels of kin support, sleep disturbance was unchanged with increases in family economic pressure (β = 0.128). In contrast, the sleep disturbance of students with low (β = 0.522) or moderate (β = 0.325) levels of kin support increased with more family economic pressure (See Table 5 and Fig. 1). Because the sign of the effects of the predictors (family economic pressure and kin support) are in the same direction (positive) and the interaction is in the opposite direction (negative), Cohen et al. (2003) suggest that the interaction is an interference or antagonistic rather than a moderating interaction. In an interference interaction the effects of one predictor may be stronger than or offset another predictor. In this case, increases in kin support appear to interfere with and diminish the effects of family economic pressure on sleep disturbance, and at higher levels of kin support the positive association of family economic pressure with sleep disturbance is not apparent. The effects of kin support on sleep may be stronger than and outweigh the effects of economic pressure on sleep.
Table 5
Simple slopes for the effects of kin support on the relation between family economic pressure and sleep disturbance
Value of kin support
Effect
95% CI
t
p
Mean –1 SD
0.143
[0.084, 0.202]
4.80
0.001
Mean
0.089
[0.036, 0.142]
3.33
0.001
Mean +1 SD
0.035
[−0.041, 0.112]
0.915
0.112
SD Standard deviation, CI Confidence interval
Fig. 1
Moderating effects of kin support on the association family economic pressure with sleep disturbance. The full range of scores for Sleep Disturbance (9–36) does not appear in the figure
×
Moreover, consistent with predictions, the interaction of race-related stress and kin support was significant: β = −0.186, p < 0.035; ΔR2 = 0.06, F(1, 133) = 5.55, p < 0.005. We also computed the association of race-related stress with sleep disturbance at low, moderate, and high levels of kin support (1 SD below mean, mean, and 1 SD above mean). Results from simple slopes analysis revealed that race-related stress was significantly associated with sleep disturbance at low and moderate, but not high levels of kin social support (See Table 6 and Fig. 2).
Table 6
Simple slopes for the effects of kin support on the relationship between race-related stress and sleep disturbance
Value of kin support
Effect
95% CI
t
p
Mean –1 SD
0.507
[0.242, 0.772]
3.78
0.001
Mean
0.238
[0.077, 0.399]
2.92
0.001
Mean +1 SD
−0.031
[−0.247, 0.184]
−0.287
0.774
SD Standard deviation, CI Confidence interval
Fig. 2
Moderating effects of kin support on the association of race-related stress with sleep disturbance. The full range of scores for Sleep Disturbance (9–36) does not on the figure
×
Similar to findings for family economic pressure, for race-related stress, for students with higher levels of kin support, sleep disturbance was unchanged with increases in race-related stress (β = −0.032). In contrast, students with lower (β = 0.537) or moderate (β = 0.252) levels of kin support experienced more sleep disturbance when they experienced more race-related stress. Here too the results suggest evidence of an interference/antagonistic interaction rather than a moderating interaction (Cohen et al., 2003) with the effects of kin support and race-related stress of the same sign (positive) and their interaction of the opposite sign (negative). Thus, in this case, kin support appears to interfere with the effects of race-related stress in that at higher levels of kin support the positive association of race-related stress with sleep disturbance was not apparent. The effects of kin support on sleep may be stronger than and supplant the effects of race-related stress on sleep.
Discussion
Sleep is crucial to healthy functioning and stressful experiences encountered by young adults can lead to sleep deprivation. Moreover, young African American adults’ healthy functioning and physical and psychological well-being has been shown to be compromised by economic pressure and race-related stress (García Coll et al., 1996). The results of the present investigation are consistent with these findings. The results of the investigation are also consistent with theoretical models suggesting that support from extended family may moderate the effects of economic and race-related stress among African Americans (García Coll et al., 1996). This suggests that additional work is needed on the factors that may promote the adjustment and well-being of young adults who may lack the financial resources and power and privilege enjoyed by their peers.
As expected, economic pressure in families was significantly associated with students’ sleep disturbance. This finding is in line with past results linking financial pressure with sleep problems (Bagley et al., 2018; Kelly & El-Skeikh, 2019; Spilsbury et al., 2006; Street et al., 2018). Economic problems may be disruptive to sleep because financial problems may lead to psychological distress including depression and anxiety (Conger & Donnellan, 2007). Psychological distress, in turn, may be linked to sleep problems. Students from families experiencing economic pressure may be prone to experience problems with school expenses including student loans, book costs, fees, internet access costs, food insecurity, or housing issues which may be a source of worry, distress, and sleep disruption.
Consistent with predictions, race-related stress was positively associated with sleep disturbance. This finding is in line with previous research revealing the link between racial stress and sleep (Fuller-Rowell et al., 2017; Thomas et al., 2006; Yip et al., 2020; Zeiders et al., 2017). Anxiety, depression, and rumination associated with race-related stress may spill over and be linked with sleep disturbance (Zeiders et al. 2017). For instance, race-related stressful experiences on campus may be unexpected and noxious and may lead students to worry about encounters in the future in other contexts (e.g., workplace).
Contrary to predictions and relevant past research with similar participants (Budescu & Silverman, 2016; Gebre & Taylor, 2017), kin support was not associated with lower levels of sleep disturbance. In fact, results revealed that kin support appeared to contribute to rather than alleviate African American students’ sleep disturbance. This finding bears further investigation. One possibility may center on complexity in African American students’ relations with extended family. For example, African American young adults’ may be striving for greater self-determination and independence from kin as they consider plans and aspirations. Family members and other kin may bring unwanted demands and obligations. This may limit students’ plans, and in turn, bring sufficient stress to disrupt sleep.
Despite such risks, our findings also revealed that the majority of students were in regular contact with their extended family. Kin may help other family members including young adults, cope with significant life stressors like family financial challenges or others.
Moreover, consistent with predictions, kin support moderated the association of family economic pressure with sleep problems. However, moderating effects of kin support were not revealed as expected. Sleep disturbance was higher among those with more economic problems and more support from kin. The results suggest that kin support increasingly outweighed family economic stress as a source of sleep disturbance among the students.
This finding differs from previous investigations that found that kin support mitigated and diminished the effects of stressful experiences with emotional adjustment (Budescu et al., 2011; Taylor et al., 2014). As noted previously, this might be explained by the fact that for young adults the involvement of extended family in important life events may have benefits and growing costs. Young adults may benefit from the help and support of their extended family, including monetary assistance and advice, and counseling, especially at times of crisis (i.e., insufficient money for rent or tuition). However, their involvement with and reliance on kin may be at the cost of developing greater self-reliance, independence, and self-determination. Turning to kin for help may signify to young adults that they lack the maturity and independence that they may desire, which may be a source of worry and sleep disturbance.
As expected, kin support moderated the association of race-related stress with sleep, revealing that the positive association of race-related stress with sleep disturbance was less apparent for students with more rather than less support from extended family. However, these findings also differ from previous evidence showing that social support mitigated the impact of race-related stress on adjustment (Salami et al., 2021). As with the findings obtained here for family economic pressure, the interaction of race-related stress and kin support was an apparent interference interaction. That is to say, in the results obtained, the effects of kin support increasingly outweighed the association of race-related stress with sleep disturbance. In the interaction of race-related stress and kin support, kin support apparently has a stronger impact on sleep. Here again, it is plausible that students may receive help from extended family during periods of stress and crisis. But, they may also worry about the impact of the involvement of the extended family for their self-reliance and independence. Sleep disturbance may be a consequence of students’ concerns regarding their autonomy.
Limitations
There are several limitations in the investigation that should be noted. First, the findings are correlational, and causal relations are not known. Evidence from longitudinal research is needed to reveal the causal direction of the results. Also, the current sample was homogeneous with respect to race and included only college students, and the findings may not be generalizable to other populations. Additionally, the measures were based on self-report from the students and future research should include other reporters (e.g., parents and extended family members) and objective measures of sleep (i.e., actigraphy).
Implications and Future Research
The present findings suggest that among African American college students, social support from extended family and social relations with kin may have complex and important implications for their well-being on campus. For colleges and universities aiming to promote the functioning and retention of African American and possibly other underrepresented students, developing programs aimed at drawing upon students’ social resources like family and kin, to help them cope with stressful experiences and adjustment to college life may be important. As previously discussed, the need for students to rely on the support of their extended family and also forge new relations with kin may be the cause of some sleepless nights. Given the complex nature of student-kin relations shown in the findings, future research might focus on gaining additional information on how ethnic minority students manage both family relationships and the challenges of campus life. Investigation of personal and developmental transitions associated with emerging adulthood might also prove useful. Such information might be gainfully collected through semi-structured and focus group interviews.
The results may also have implications for the role that faculty, administrators, and campus support staff can play as allies to students facing economic and racial challenges. Policies and practices including loan forgiveness programs, caps on fees, housing vouchers, negotiated textbook adoptions, discounted internet access and more may help address economic pressure on families and students. Also, renewed efforts and programs aimed at enhancing the awareness and prevention of race-related sources of stress on campus and their impact may be warranted and helpful. Diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) organizations on campus may play a particularly important role in the development of such programming.
In future research, it is important to consider the potential moderating effects of other sources of support on campus (i.e., faculty, staff, student allies) on economic or racial stressors and the nature of the effects (i.e., buffering, interference, or others). Also, given the importance of sleep for psychological and physical health and functioning, sleep education programming may be important initiatives on campuses. Moreover, recent meta-analyses have identified effective sleep interventions to which counselors may be able to direct students experiencing sleep problems (Friedrich & Schlarb, 2018; Saruhanjan, et al., 2021).
Compliance with Ethical Standards
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare no competing interests.
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Relation of Family Economic Pressure and Racial Stress with Sleep Disturbance among African American College Students: Moderating Effects of Kin Social Support
Auteurs
Ronald D. Taylor Motunrayo Olaniyan Azeb Gebre Debra Bangasser
