Research has established clear links between aggression and depressive or anxious symptoms, but it has yet to fully explore how these interactions evolve over time, particularly by distinguishing within-person and between-person effects. This longitudinal study has examined the interplays between depressive symptoms and traditional aggression and cyber aggression, and between anxious symptoms and the two types of aggression, using RI-CLPMs. Informed by the frustration-aggression theory and the failure model, this study constructed six RI-CLPMs to explore the longitudinal relationships between aggressive behaviors (reactive, proactive, and cyber aggression) and two mental health problems (depressive and anxious symptoms) among Chinese adolescents. The use of RI-CLPMs was vital for elucidating the intersecting dynamics among the variables through a separation of between-person and within-person effects (Hamaker et al.,
2015). The current results supported the associations between each type of aggressive behavior and the mental health conditions at the between-person level, which suggest that, at the population level, adolescents with higher levels of aggression are at a higher risk of developing depression and anxiety than those with lower levels of aggression are––thus supporting previous evidence on the associations between aggression and both depression and anxiety (e.g., Huesmann et al.,
2019; Zhang et al.,
2020). Moreover, the results from the within-person level analyses were relatively mixed in this study, so the within-person analysis results will be elaborated upon in the following discussion.
Persistence of Adolescents’ Mental Health Conditions and Aggression
In addition to the findings delineating the cross-lagged paths, the autoregressive results also highlighted the developmental trajectories of adolescent aggression and mental health conditions at the within-person level. Generally, all of the autoregressive paths, except for that for cyber aggression, were statistically significant for the entire sample across the three time points, thus indicating that reactive and proactive aggression and depressive and anxiety appeared to be stable over time and pointing to the persistence of these misconducts and disorders among adolescents. It is inferred that because cyber aggression can take place in a more casual and unconscious way, cyber aggressors may not always be aware of or interpret their behaviors as actually being cyber aggression.
Bidirectional Relationships between Adolescents’ Mental Health Conditions and Aggression
According to the frustration-aggression theory, the presence of depression and anxiety can trigger aggressive behaviors, given that both depression and anxiety are typical outcomes of persistently frustrating events and that individuals may be motivated by frustration to restore a sense of significance or importance through aggressive behaviors. However, this study failed to find stable, significant cross-lagged effects between reactive/proactive aggression and depressive symptoms over time in the full sample at the within-person level, which is partially consistent with the findings of another recent study (Yang et al.,
2024a). Early adolescents may have already achieved the critical sociodevelopmental milestones that facilitate the co-occurrence of depression and aggression without a direct influence between the two (Yang et al.,
2024a). In addition, from a methodological perspective, the use of an RI-CLPM has been noted to increase the likelihood of non-significant effects, which could be attributed to the complexity of the method and the introduction of random intercepts that help control for confounding factors. Specifically, the changes in outcome levels have been found to tend to be minimal due to the significant stability of most psychological constructs over time. In addition, adjusting for stability effects (i.e., previous levels of constructs) may eliminate a big portion of the outcome variance that is common with other predictors (Adachi & Willoughby,
2015). Consequently, eliminating between-person variance may also reduce some of the variance in the outcomes. Nevertheless, this study still found evidence of a weak predictive relationship between aggression and mental health.
This study further found that depressive symptoms at T2 positively predicted reactive aggression and cyber aggression at T3 at the within-person level (marginally significant, at the
p < 0.1 level for depressive symptoms–reactive aggression). These findings echo previous longitudinal evidence suggesting that depression can be expressed through aggressive behaviors (e.g., Kofler et al.,
2011; Ozkan et al.,
2019). Although depression may not necessarily increase the likelihood of impulsive and inhibitory aggression, which in turn leads to violence and crime, the attention deficits and interpersonal issues caused by depression can indeed contribute to violent tendencies and criminal behavior (Remster,
2014). Negative emotions may be expressed through antisocial actions for relieving stress, and thus depression is a risk factor for future delinquency (Ozkan et al.,
2019). However, this finding warrants cautious interpretation and needs to be replicated in future research.
Furthermore, anxious symptoms were found to positively predict only later cyber aggression and were not significantly associated with the other two types of in-person aggression. In other words, whereas depressive symptoms could lead an adolescent to engage in both online and offline aggressive behaviors, anxious symptoms catalyzed only cyber aggression. This result can be interpreted through the lens of the frustration-aggression theory as follows. First, assuming that aggressors in online and in-person settings are confronted with approximately identical levels of obstacles that prevent them from actualizing their aggression (i.e., external constraints to aggression are held constant), perhaps the individual’s motivation to restore his/her significance is reflected more strongly through depression than through anxiety. Second, assuming that depression and anxiety generate approximately identical levels of motivation to behave aggressively (i.e., that internal constraints to aggression are held constant), anxiety may lead potential aggressors to anticipate higher levels of penalties for in-person aggression, whereas they may not perceive the consequences of cyber aggression to be equally punitive, given its anonymous nature. Moreover, visible aggression in the Chinese culture is held to reflect a “loss of face” (Xu et al.,
2016), thus making cyberbullying likely to be considered a more appropriate way for individuals to vent negative emotions. In summary, the study’s findings lend partial support to the frustration-aggression theory, and future studies should take the above-mentioned factors into consideration.
In regard to changes in adolescents’ mental health conditions over time after they engage in aggressive behaviors, the study’s evidence partially contradicts the stated hypothesis. According to the failure model, aggressive behaviors may result in social rejection and other social penalties that in turn may lead aggressors to suffer higher levels of mental problems (especially depression). The analyses showed that proactive-aggressive behaviors, but not reactive-aggressive behaviors, appeared to cause a later increase in levels of depressive symptoms––specifically, the adolescents’ proactive aggression at T2 positively predicted depressive symptoms at T3 (p < 0.1). Moreover, reactive-aggressive adolescents in this sample were found to display lower levels of anxious symptoms than others did, which was counterintuitive.
These results appear to reflect that the causality between aggression and social rejection may be context-dependent. The failure model presumes that the denouncement of aggressive behaviors is a ubiquitous social norm which is independent of social contexts. However, it is anticipated that the presence of several contextual or incidental factors may be able to interrupt that path. First, it is likely that some societies are more tolerant than others of adolescent aggression (e.g., those that deem aggression as a demonstration of masculinity or independence). Furthermore, at the meso level, within social institutions such as the family, school, and/or neighborhood, it is reasonable to expect that adolescents may internalize aggression as a norm. For example, a cross-sectional study found that high scores on proactive-aggressive behaviors were associated with low scores on anxious symptoms among children whose parents adopted a highly authoritative parenting style (Pederson et al.,
2016). Authoritative parents usually provide better social support to their children, leaving the children more confident of their behaviors and thus possibly legitimizing aggressive behaviors. In summary, the causal relationship from aggression to later mental health conditions is subject to the actual social context within which the individual interacts. In that light, contextual factors emerging from both the macro and meso levels should be further examined to determine the context-dependent relationships between aggressive behaviors and mental health conditions.
Gender Differences in the Relationships between Aggression and Mental Health Conditions
The relationships between aggression and mental health conditions appear to vary across genders. In this study, when the RI-CLPM models were tested separately in male and female groups, the longitudinal relationships between different forms of aggression and mental health conditions seemed to be stronger in males than in females (i.e., the path from reactive aggression at T1 to anxious symptoms at T2; the path from proactive aggression at T2 to depressive symptoms at T3; the path from depressive symptoms at T2 to cyber aggression at T3; and the path from anxious symptoms at T2 to cyber aggression at T3). These findings suggest that the relationships between aggression and mental health may be robust within Chinese male adolescents, but that robustness does not exhibit cross-temporal stability.
Further analyses of multiple-group RI-CLPMs showed that there were gender differences in the relationships between proactive aggression and both depressive and anxious symptoms. Specifically, the positive association between proactive aggression at T2 and depressive symptoms at T3 in male adolescents was stronger than that in female groups. Previous empirical evidence also showed that boys were more likely than girls to exhibit both internalizing and externalizing problems concurrently, from childhood to adolescence (e.g., Shi et al.,
2020). Interestingly, however, although in general boys seem to show more aggressive behaviors than girls do, in the context of Chinese culture aggression is not allowed and tends to be suppressed and even severely punished, with a cultural emphasis on collectivism and harmony––and that pattern may lead individuals to negative self-evaluation and self-criticism, which in turn may trigger depression (Chen & French,
2008; Yang et al.,
2024b). In addition, this study found that the female group showed a slightly stronger, marginally significant association between proactive aggression at T1 and anxious symptoms at T2 compared with the male adolescents. It is widely believed that through social norms, girls encounter more restraints and prohibitions than boys do regarding aggressive behaviors (Eagly & Steffen,
1986). In that event, compared with boys, girls may experience greater guilt and anxiety after engaging in aggression. Indeed, girls may have heightened concerns about the potential harm their aggressive actions could cause, and they may even fear retaliation (e.g., Archer,
2004). However, in this study the discrepancy between the two gender groups was only marginally significant, thus suggesting that additional research is warranted on how gender affects the relationship between proactive aggression and anxiety.
Limitations and Implications
Although the findings of this study shed important light on the longitudinal relationships between adolescent aggression and mental health conditions, the study also had limitations that must be acknowledged. First, the cross-lagged effects from the mental health conditions to the three types of aggression were small, and some paths only showed significance at the p = 0.10 level, implying that this risk appears to be minor over the three-year course of adolescence. Therefore, these findings should be interpreted with caution. In addition, the nature of mental health conditions and their association with different types of aggression need to be investigated over a longer time span and with repeated measurements made at shorter intervals. Moreover, this study only investigated the reciprocal relationships between reactive and proactive aggression and depressive and anxious symptoms, while other forms of aggression (e.g., relational aggression or overt aggression), and other mental health problems, such as social withdrawal, warrant further measurement in future research. Nevertheless, the current study can still provide valuable preliminary insights into the longitudinal links between different forms of aggressive behavior and mental health among Chinese adolescents––an important topic that has been relatively underexplored in the literature.
Second, self-reported measures can be biased by socially desirable responses and common method variance. To overcome these drawbacks, future studies should adopt multiple data-collection strategies, including multiple-informant formats (e.g., caregiver- or teacher-reported formats) and interviews. Furthermore, although this study adopted the random sampling approach, the interdependence of observations arising from this clustered data structure was not explicitly modeled. Future investigations could be strengthened by incorporating multilevel analytic techniques. Finally, the sample in this study was not nationally representative. Given that the sample of adolescents was recruited only from a particular province of mainland China, the findings may not be generalizable to adolescents in other regions of the country, nor to other societies.
Nonetheless, this is the first study undertaken to examine the longitudinal relationships between different types of aggression (i.e., reactive, proactive, and cyber aggression) and mental health problems (i.e., depressive and anxious symptoms) at the between-person and within-person levels in Chinese youth. By controlling for fluctuating levels of relevant constructs, this study found that adolescents with higher levels of mental health problems tended to display higher than expected levels of cyber aggression, and conversely, adolescents who experienced higher levels of proactive aggression than typical also tended to experience mental health problems. Therefore, the findings are valuable for understanding how both depressive and anxious symptoms and the different types of aggression, develop and affect each other in adolescence. Specifically, the relationships between various forms of aggression and depressive or anxious symptoms can influence the theorization of developmental processes in Chinese youth in terms of the temporal sequence of mental health conditions and aggression. Additional longitudinal investigations into the relationships between internalizing problems and different types of aggression, using a large sample, could help identify important specific periods of vulnerability in adolescent development. Because mental health problems can significantly contribute to the development of aggressive behaviors, especially cyber aggression (Chen et al.,
2017; Zhang et al.,
2020), educators should focus on mitigating the onset of depression and/or anxiety in adolescence by understanding students’ emotional states and offering a more relaxed environment that enhances the students’ autonomy.
Meanwhile, to improve treatment effectiveness, therapeutic approaches could be tailored on the basis of the dynamics between different types of aggression and specific mental health problems. Schools and community organizations could establish supportive systems and programs aimed at reducing both aggressive behaviors and mental health issues, to help foster young people’s resilience and emotion-regulation skills. In addition, the gender differences uncovered in the relationships between proactive aggression and mental health problems suggest that interventions should incorporate a gender-sensitive approach and should address the unique risk factors and coping strategies associated with each gender. For instance, interventions targeting boys could enhance their emotional awareness and promote positive outlets for anger. An enhanced understanding of the gender-specific mechanisms in those relationships could inform more effective programs for fostering mental health and reducing aggression.